The Checkers speech
Part one
Richard Nixon
September 23, 1952
By way of introduction: this speech is very complex and elaborate. The original runs close to 30 minutes.
It was written down on paper, and the speaker had the whole outline (if not the whole text) with him and could glance at it.
We present it below because even today it has a strong effect on those who watch it, and because of the sheer number of elements it uses.
It should serve as material for inspiration, though, not as a model speech, because of how complicated it is and because of its kind (judicial, with defensive and accusatory elements).
Various motifs will be woven through this speech, and each of them appears for a purpose that is fulfilled later in the speech. Try to remember them.
Leading motif / word
A word, sentence, a hero which you reference to make a permanent association with the speech.
My Fellow Americans:
I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency, and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned.
- A strong opening that pre-empts doubts about what the speech is going to be about;
- A contrasting juxtaposition; presenting a fact.
Present a fact
Present a state of things, present proofs. Show the circumstances leading to an event. Factual argument.
Now, the usual political thing to do when charges are made against you is to either ignore them or to deny them without giving details. I believe we've had enough of that in the United States, particularly with the present Administration in Washington, D.C. To me the office of the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.
- This is emphasis: this subject matters, and here is why;
- A juxtaposition: the office of Vice President of the United States and trust. It will be used later.
I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to tell the truth. And that's why I am here tonight. I want to tell you my side of the case. I'm sure that you have read the charge, and you've heard it: that I, Senator Nixon, took $18,000 from a group of my supporters.
- Again a matter-of-fact presentation of facts (the charge, $18,000);
- A contrast: a smear / an honest misunderstanding / the truth.
Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong. I am saying, incidentally, that it was wrong, not just illegal, because it isn't a question of whether it was legal or illegal, that isn't enough. The question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong -- if any of that $18,000 went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use. I say that it was morally wrong if it was secretly given, and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if any of the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made.
Let us stop here a little longer. This passage shows the power of the rhetorical question, which steers us into thinking in a particular way.
What is more, it is posed indirectly, expecting our answer to lean against the speaker. The speaker agrees with us, saying Yes, but only if...
- The money went to private use;
- Favours were given in return for the money received.
At the same time, the discussion of whether the act was legal is cut short at this point. The speaker will come back to it, but in a slightly different context.
Motifs
- Money for private use;
- Favours in return for money.
Rhetorical question
Ask a question that does not require to be answered.
And now to answer those questions let me say this: not one cent of the $18,000, or any other money of that type, ever went to me for my personal use. Every penny of it was used to pay for political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers of the United States. It was not a secret fund. As a matter of fact, when I was on "Meet the Press"-- some of you may have seen it last Sunday -- Peter Edson came up to me after the program, and he said, "Dick, what about this fund we hear about?" And I said, "Well, there is no secret about it. Go out and see Dana Smith who was the administrator of the fund." And I gave him [Edson] his [Smith's] address. And I said you will find that the purpose of the fund simply was to defray political expenses that I did not feel should be charged to the Government. And third, let me point out -- and I want to make this particularly clear -- that no contributor to this fund, no contributor to any of my campaigns, has ever received any consideration that he would not have received as an ordinary constituent.
Several elements appear in this argument.
Every penny of it was used to pay for political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers of the United States. This leads to the inference – a mistaken one, as it happens – that since political expenses should not be charged to the taxpayers, financing them from outside sources is OK.
It was not a secret fund. [...] So if nobody was hiding it, it is OK – which does not follow at all (by the same reasoning, a crime committed in broad daylight is OK). And yet, while he is speaking, this sleight of hand is not that easy to catch, and it builds the feeling that nothing is being hidden from the listener.
[...] no contributor to this fund, no contributor to any of my campaigns, has ever received any consideration that he would not have received as an ordinary constituent. This argument is the strongest and, unlike the previous two, if we accept the statement as true, it stands on its own.
So we have two elements that are, for now, rather shaky, and one that is hard to fault but is so far backed only by the word of the accused. That is why they will be developed.
Argument
Present information that supports main points of your speech.
I just don't believe in that, and I can say that never, while I have been in the Senate of the United States, as far as the people that contributed to this fund are concerned, have I made a telephone call for them to an agency, or have I gone down to an agency in their behalf. And the records will show that, the records which are in the hands of the Administration.
Here comes an appeal to authority – in this case the institution of the Administration – which supports the motif of favours in return for money.
Appeal to authority
Summon great people with your words and stand with them in front of your audience.
Well, then, some of you will say, and rightly, "Well, what did you use the fund for, Senator? Why did you have to have it?" Let me tell you in just a word how a Senate office operates. First of all, a Senator gets $15,000 a year in salary. He gets enough money to pay for one trip a year, a round trip, that is, for himself, and his family between his home and Washington, D.C. And then he gets an allowance to handle the people that work in his office to handle his mail. And the allowance for my State of California, is enough to hire 13 people. And let me say, incidentally, that that allowance is not paid to the Senator. It's paid directly to the individuals that the Senator puts on his pay roll. But all of these people and all of these allowances are for strictly official business; business, for example, when a constituent writes in and wants you to go down to the Veteran's Administration and get some information about his GI policy -- items of that type, for example. But there are other expenses which are not covered by the Government. And I think I can best discuss those expenses by asking you some questions.
The next argument is meant to lay the groundwork for the whole following part of the speech. For now, it is worth taking away the following:
- For the first time he uses the emotion of humility, which connects the listener and the speaker: He gets enough money to pay for one trip a year, a round trip, that is, for himself, and his family between his home and Washington, D.C.
- Beyond that $15,000 a year, even a Senator has no budget for expenses of his own.
Do you think that when I or any other Senator makes a political speech, has it printed, should charge the printing of that speech and the mailing of that speech to the taxpayers? Do you think, for example, when I or any other Senator makes a trip to his home State to make a purely political speech, that the cost of that trip should be charged to the taxpayers? Do you think when a Senator makes political broadcasts or political television broadcasts, radio or television, that the expense of those broadcasts should be charged to the taxpayers? Well I know what your answer is. It's the same answer that audiences give me whenever I discuss this particular problem: The answer is "no." The taxpayers shouldn't be required to finance items which are not official business but which are primarily political business.
Here we have a piling-up of rhetorical questions. All of it is used to smoothly manoeuvre the audience into thinking that there is only one possible way of financing political expenses.
With that foundation the speaker can move on to the next part of his reasoning, at the end of which the solution Nixon used will seem to the audience, too, the only sensible one.
Well, then the question arises, you say, "Well, how do you pay for these and how can you do it legally?" And there are several ways that it can be done, incidentally, and it is done legally in the United States Senate and in the Congress. The first way is to be a rich man. I don't happen to be a rich man, so I couldn't use that way. Another way that is used is to put your wife on the payroll. Let me say, incidentally, that my opponent, my opposite number for the Vice Presidency on the Democratic ticket, does have his wife on the payroll and has had her on his payroll for the past ten years. Now let me just say this: That's his business, and I'm not critical of him for doing that. You will have to pass judgment on that particular point.
In this paragraph and the ones that follow, he subverts anticipations. This is how the speaker rids us of all the alternatives we might quickly think of while he is speaking.
This passage rules out the solution in which political expenses would be paid out of one's own pocket.
In addition, Nixon uses for the first time the motif of his wife and the motif of a wife on the payroll. Both motifs will be developed further on.
But I have never done that for this reason: I have found that there are so many deserving stenographers and secretaries in Washington that needed the work that I just didn't feel it was right to put my wife on the payroll. My wife's sitting over here. She is a wonderful stenographer. She used to teach stenography, and she used to teach shorthand in high school. That was when I met her. And I can tell you folks that she's worked many hours at night and many hours on Saturdays and Sundays in my office. And she's done a fine job. And I am proud to say tonight that in the six years I have been in the House and the Senate of the United States, Pat Nixon has never been on the Government payroll.
This passage underlines the virtue of honesty that the speaker is displaying: he went as far as accepting a loss of his own (here: the loss of his wife's time) in order to stay true to his values.
What are other ways that these finances can be taken care of? Some who are lawyers, and I happen to be a lawyer, continue to practice law, but I haven't been able to do that. I am so far away from California that I have been so busy with my senatorial work that I have not engaged in any legal practice. And, also, as far as law practice is concerned, it seemed to me that the relationship between an attorney and the client was so personal that you couldn't possibly represent a man as an attorney and then have an unbiased view when he presented his case to you in the event that he had one before the Government.
This passage rules out the solution in which political expenses would be covered by additional paid work.
And so I felt that the best way to handle these necessary political expenses of getting my message to the American people and the speeches I made -- the speeches that I had printed for the most part concerned this one message of exposing this Administration, the Communism in it, the corruption in it -- the only way that I could do that was to accept the aid which people in my home State of California, who contributed to my campaign, and who continued to make these contributions after I was elected, were glad to make.
Finally we get the conclusion of the subverted anticipations, expressed in the words the only way that I could do that was to accept the aid which people in my home State of California [...].
Two new motifs appear:
- Corruption;
- Communism.
Summary: all the motifs so far
- Money for private use;
- Favours in return for money;
- The wife;
- A wife on the payroll;
- Corruption;
- Communism.
And let me say I am proud of the fact that not one of them has ever asked me for a special favor. I am proud of the fact that not one of them has ever asked me to vote on a bill other than in my own conscience would dictate. And I am proud of the fact that the taxpayers by subterfuge or otherwise have never paid one dime for expenses which I thought were political and shouldn't be charged to the taxpayers.
He returns to the argument tied to the motif of favours in return for money.
Let me say, incidentally, that some of you may say, "Well, that is all right, Senator, that's your explanation, but have you got any proof?" And I'd like to tell you this evening that just an hour ago we received an independent audit of this entire fund. I suggested to Governor Sherman Adams, who is the chief of staff of the Dwight Eisenhower campaign, that an independent audit and legal report be obtained, and I have that audit here in my hands. It's an audit made by the Price Waterhouse & Co. firm, and the legal opinion by Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher, lawyers in Los Angeles, the biggest law firm, and incidentally, one of the best ones in Los Angeles.
Since we established earlier that this argument rests only on the word of the accused, Nixon chose to back it with outside expert opinions, again using an appeal to authority.
I am proud to be able to report to you tonight that this audit and this legal opinion is being forwarded to General Eisenhower. And I'd like to read to you the opinion that was prepared by Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher, and based on all the pertinent laws and statutes, together with the audit report prepared by the certified public accountants. Quote:
"It is our conclusion that Senator Nixon did not obtain any financial gain from the collection and disbursement of the fund by Dana Smith; that Senator Nixon did not violate any federal or state law by reason of the operation of the fund; and that neither the portion of the fund paid by Dana Smith directly to third persons, nor the portion paid to Senator Nixon, to reimburse him for designated office expenses, constituted income to the Senator which was either reportable or taxable as income under applicable tax laws."
(signed)
Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher,
by Elmo H. Conley
This is presenting facts in the form of physical evidence, which will soon become a powerful weapon in Nixon's hands. But what remains is to properly reinforce the premise about using the money for his own purposes.
And here he will appeal to the audience's emotions. Very strongly.
Now that, my friends, is not Nixon speaking, but that's an independent audit which was requested, because I want the American people to know all the facts, and I am not afraid of having independent people go in and check the facts. And that is exactly what they did. But then I realized that there are still some who may say, and rightly so -- and let me say that I recognize that some will continue to smear regardless of what the truth may be -- but that there has been understandably, some honest misunderstanding on this matter. And there are some that will say, "Well, maybe you were able, Senator, to fake the thing. How can we believe what you say? After all, is there a possibility that maybe you got some sums in cash? Is there a possibility that you might have feathered your own nest?" And so now, what I am going to do -- and incidentally this is unprecedented in the history of American politics -- I am going at this time to give to this television and radio audit--audience, a complete financial history, everything I've earned, everything I've spent, everything I owe. And I want you to know the facts.
Several things happen here at once.
- Nixon declares that he will present his complete financial history – he is the first to do so, and it shocks the whole audience;
- A gradation of rhetorical questions is used (for the third time);
- Because of that gradation, he assumes that if anyone is still wavering at this point, emotions are what must be used.
I'll have to start early. I was born in 1913. Our family was one of modest circumstances, and most of my early life was spent in a store out in East Whittier. It was a grocery store, one of those family enterprises. The only reason we were able to make it go was because my mother and dad had five boys, and we all worked in the store. I worked my way through college, and, to a great extent, through law school. And then in 1940, probably the best thing that ever happened to me happened. I married Pat who is sitting over here. We had a rather difficult time after we were married, like so many of the young couples who may be listening to us. I practiced law. She continued to teach school.
The emotional message is handled so as to build a bond with the listener through modesty and humility (even self-abasement). So that it does not come out too lofty, however, Nixon skilfully weaves in his wedding and the motif of his wife.
The words We had a rather difficult time after we were married, like so many of the young couples [...] show Nixon as someone many people can relate to.
Then, in 1942, I went into the service. Let me say that my service record was not a particularly unusual one. I went to the South Pacific. I guess I'm entitled to a couple of battle stars. I got a couple of letters of commendation. But I was just there when the bombs were falling. And then I returned -- returned to the United States, and in 1946, I ran for the Congress. When we came out of the war -- Pat and I -- Pat during the war had worked as a stenographer, and in a bank, and as an economist for a Government agency -- and when we came out, the total of our savings, from both my law practice, her teaching and all the time I was in the war, the total for that entire period was just a little less than $10,000 -- every cent of that, incidentally, was in Government bonds. Well that's where we start, when I go into politics.
This passage is aimed at people who lived through the hardship of war and had to find their place in society afterwards. It shows a new start (with the sum of $10,000).
Now, what have I earned since I went into politics? Well, here it is. I've jotted it down. Let me read the notes. First of all, I have had my salary as a Congressman and as a Senator. Second, I have received a total in this past six years of $1,600 from estates which were in my law firm at the time that I severed my connection with it. And, incidentally, as I said before, I have not engaged in any legal practice and have not accepted any fees from business that came into the firm after I went into politics. I have made an average of approximately $1,500 a year from nonpolitical speaking engagements and lectures.
This passage and the ones that follow use numbers to emphasise that the speaker has nothing to hide.
Throughout, the message is delivered in a way that shows Nixon as nothing more than an ordinary man.
And then, fortunately, we have inherited little money. Pat sold her interest in her father's estate for $3,000, and I inherited $1,500 from my grandfather. We lived rather modestly. For four years we lived in an apartment in Parkfairfax, in Alexandria Virginia. The rent was $80.00 a month. And we saved for the time that we could buy a house. Now, that was what we took in. What did we do with this money? What do we have today to show for it? This will surprise you because it is so little, I suppose, as standards generally go of people in public life.
First of all, we've got a house in Washington, which cost $41,000 and on which we owe $20,000. We have a house in Whittier, California which cost $13,000 and on which we owe $3,000. My folks are living there at the present time. I have just $4,000 in life insurance, plus my GI policy which I've never been able to convert, and which will run out in two years. I have no life insurance whatever on Pat. I have no life insurance on our two youngsters Tricia and Julie. I own a 1950 Oldsmobile car. We have our furniture. We have no stocks and bonds of any type. We have no interest of any kind, direct or indirect, in any business. Now, that's what we have. What do we owe?
Well in addition to the mortgage, the $20,000 mortgage on the house in Washington, the $10,000 one on the house in Whittier, I owe $4500 to the Riggs Bank in Washington, D.C., with interest 4 and 1/2 percent. I owe $3,500 to my parents, and the interest on that loan, which I pay regularly, because it's the part of the savings they made through the years they were working so hard -- I pay regularly 4 percent interest. And then I have a $500 loan, which I have on my life insurance.
Well, that's about it. That's what we have. And that's what we owe. It isn't very much. But Pat and I have the satisfaction that every dime that we've got is honestly ours. I should say this, that Pat doesn't have a mink coat. But she does have a respectable Republican cloth coat. And I always tell her she'd look good in anything.
This whole message is powerful in itself. The audience may now be feeling many different emotions, of which the dominant one should be empathy. But the climax is still ahead of us.
One other thing I probably should tell you, because if I don't they'll probably be saying this about me, too. We did get something, a gift, after the election. A man down in Texas heard Pat on the radio mention the fact that our two youngsters would like to have a dog. And believe it or not, the day before we left on this campaign trip we got a message from the Union Station in Baltimore, saying they had a package for us. We went down to get it. You know what it was? It was a little cocker spaniel dog, in a crate that he'd sent all the way from Texas, black and white, spotted, and our little girl Tricia, the six year old, named it Checkers. And you know, the kids, like all kids, love the dog, and I just want to say this, right now, that regardless of what they say about it, we're gonna keep it.
(continued...)
With all this appeal to feelings built up, the key figure becomes the little dog Checkers, who is brought in almost by force (though the move is fully deliberate and thought through).
The idea of using a figure that arouses friendliness and protectiveness in most people comes from a speech given by Franklin Roosevelt eight years earlier.
There, his four-legged friend named Fala was used to ridicule Republican accusations that Roosevelt had supposedly sent a destroyer on a rescue mission for his dog.
Here Checkers closes the part of Nixon's speech in which he all but confesses his finances to the whole nation of the United States.
Checkers is one of the constants of this speech. Whatever happens, the dog stays. This stance is meant to evoke strength, independence and a readiness to fight for certain ideals. There will be more of that in
the second part of the analysis of this speech.